Dreams Beneath the Taliban’s Veil

Hameeda Uloomi | hameeda.uloomi@yale.edu

All names in this article are pseudonyms to protect the women’s

identities. Those still in Afghanistan face severe risks, including

imprisonment, violence, or even death for defying Taliban edicts.

A Return to Darkness

“My peshak [cat], dear Hameeda, my peshak has more

rights than I do.”

These were the words of Amina, a 64-year-old former

teacher from Kandahar, now in hiding. Once a pas-

sionate educator, Amina now spends her days confined

to her home, reflecting on the dreams she once nur-

tured for herself and the young girls she taught. Her

words, though simple, carry a heavy weight, capturing

the lived reality of millions of Afghan women and girls

who find themselves stripped of their rights for the

second time in their lifetimes.

“Teaching was my zindagi’s [life’s] purpose,” Amina

laments. “Now, my classroom is empty, and my girls’

futures are lost.”

The situation for Afghan women under Taliban rule

is not new. It is a tragic echo of their first rule in 1996

when they systematically dismantled women’s rights.

Today, history repeats itself with terrifying precision,

forcing Afghan women into the shadows once more.

Thriving Before the Fall: Women’s Lives Before

the Taliban’s First Rise

The period before the Taliban’s first rise to power in

1996 was one of significant progress for Afghan wom-

en, particularly during the 1960s and 1970s. This era saw

the introduction of progressive policies aimed at

modernizing Afghanistan, with a particular focus on

women’s rights.

Women began attending universities in large numbers,

pursuing careers in medicine, law, journalism, and

politics. The Constitution of 1964 granted women the

right to vote and participate in political life, leading to

the appointment of female members of parliament.

Laila, now 78 living in California, was one of those

women. “In the 1970s, I was a journalist in Kabul,” she

recalls. “I covered qesas [stories] on women’s educa-

tion, political reforms, and cultural advancements. We

debated freely, walked the streets with confidence, and

felt like we were shaping our nation’s future.”

By the 1980s, Afghan women were thriving in various

sectors. Female doctors, lawyers, and professors were

common, and Kabul’s streets were filled with young

women in both traditional and modern attire. The cap-

ital, Kabul, became a hub for cultural exchange. Cafés,

theaters, and libraries were filled with both men and

women discussing literature, politics, and art. Afghan

women participated in sports, attended international

conferences, and even represented Afghanistan on the

global stage.

“We had royahas [dreams],” says Laila. “Royahas of

contributing to a modern, equal Afghanistan. For a

time, it felt possible.”

The First Fall: The Taliban’s Rise to Power in 1996

The Taliban emerged in 1994 during a period of deep

instability. Following the Soviet Union’s withdrawal

in 1989, Afghanistan plunged into civil war. Rival

mujahideen factions fought for control, leaving the

country devastated. Amid this chaos, the Taliban, led

by Mullah Mohammad Omar, capitalized on public

frustration with warlords’ corruption and violence.

The Capture of Kabul

By September 1996, the Taliban had seized Kabul,

marking the beginning of one of the darkest periods

in Afghan history. Their strict interpretation of Sha-

ria law imposed the following severe restrictions on

women:

• Girls were barred from attending school.

• Women were forbidden from working.

• Women could not leave their homes without a

male guardian.

• Public flogging and execution of women accused

of moral crimes became common.

“We lost everything overnight,” says Laila. “My career,

my identity, my azadi [freedom]. I went from report-

ing the news to hiding in my own home. I was afraid of

being punished for simply existing as a woman.”

Destruction of Institutions

The Taliban’s regime dismantled decades of progress.

Schools and universities were emptied of female stu-

dents and staff. Hospitals that once employed women

as doctors and nurses became inaccessible to women

seeking care. According to a 1999 United Nations re-

port4, Afghan women’s participation in the workforce

dropped to near zero, and the literacy rate for women,

which had been rising steadily, plummeted.

“Women became invisible,” recalls Laila. “The streets

of Kabul, once alive with the sound of children playing

and women shopping, fell khamoosh [silent]. It was

like the city itself had lost its soul.”

Rebuilding After 2001: A Second Chance

The U.S.-led invasion in 2001, following the Septem-

ber 11 attacks, marked the decline of the Taliban’s first

regime. Instability wasn’t gone, but Afghan persever-

ance flourished. For the next two decades, the Afghans

embarked on a journey of rebuilding, with significant

progress in women’s rights and societal participation.

One of the most significant achievements was in

education. By 2018, 3.6 million girls were enrolled in

schools, according to UNICEF, and female literacy

rates had climbed from 17% in 2001 to 30%.5 Uni-

versities reopened their doors to women, and female

enrollment soared.

Amina reflects on this period with pride. “I reopened

my classroom. My girls were so eager to learn, to

dream again. Every time they solved a problem or read

a new kitaab [book], it felt like we were reclaiming

what was stolen from us.”

Women also re-entered the workforce in large

numbers. By 2020, 22% of Afghanistan’s work-

force consisted of women, many of whom worked

in healthcare, education, law, and media. Female

entrepreneurs established businesses, and women’s

organizations flourished, advocating for gender

equality and social justice.

Maryam, 46, living in Kabul, Afghanistan, and a moth-

er to three daughters, who became a doctor during this

time, recalls: “It was an incredible feeling to walk into

a hospital as a professional, to know that I was making

a difference in people’s zindagi. We were building a

better Afghanistan, brick by brick.”

Women’s participation in politics was another signif-

icant milestone. Afghanistan’s parliament reserved

27% of its seats for women, and several women held

ministerial positions. Afghan women’s voices were

increasingly heard in policymaking, advocacy, and

international forums.

“We had omaid [hope],” says Maryam. “Hope that our

daughters would grow up in a country that respected

and valued them. That is not the case anymore. I look

at my daughters and want to cry.”

The Second Fall: The Taliban’s Return in 2021

The Taliban’s return in August 2021 shattered those

hopes. The Doha Agreement, signed in February

2020 between the United States and the Taliban, was

intended to pave the way for a peaceful resolution

to decades of conflict. It outlined the withdrawal of

U.S. and NATO forces in exchange for the Taliban’s

commitment to prevent Afghanistan from becoming a

haven for terrorist organizations.

However, the deal was deeply flawed. It excluded the

Afghan government and women from negotiations,

undermining its authority and legitimacy, and failed to

secure any guarantees for the protection of women’s

rights or human rights in general. The agreement em-

boldened the Taliban, who saw it as a victory, allowing

them to expand their influence across Afghanistan.

In the months that followed, they launched a rapid

offensive, culminating in their takeover of Kabul in

August 2021. For many Afghans, especially women,

the Doha Deal symbolized a betrayal, as it prioritized

political expediency over the hard-fought gains of the

past two decades.

Collapse of the Afghan Government

The fall of Kabul was marked by chaos. Afghan Pres-

ident Ashraf Ghani fled the country, and with his

departure, the government dissolved. The Taliban –

having learned from their previous governance failures

– quickly re-established control, but their policies

remained as oppressive as ever.

“The day they entered Kabul, I knew everything was

over,” says Maryam. “I burned my certificates and hid my

kitaabs. My daughters cried, asking why they couldn’t go

to school anymore. I did not have the heart to give them

an answer. I would not wish this on my worst enemy.”

The Taliban’s second reign has brought a renewed wave

of repression. According to Human Rights Watch, 90%

of Afghan women are now excluded from public life.

• Education: UNESCO: Over 1.1 million girls have

been denied access to secondary school. Univer-

sities have closed their doors to female students,

reversing decades of progress.

• Employment: Women have been banned from

most public and private sector jobs. A report by

the International Labour Organization (ILO) esti-

mates that 25% of working women lost their jobs in

the first year of Taliban rule.

• Healthcare: The United Nations Population Fund

(UNFPA) reports that 87% of Afghan women lack

access to adequate healthcare. Maternal mortality

rates, once on the decline, are expected to surge.

Every two hours, a woman loses her life due to

pregnancy or childbirth complications—deaths that

could be avoided with adequate medical support

and trained professionals.

Maryam, who now runs a secret clinic, shares the

grim reality: “Women are dying of preventable conditions

because they’re too afraid to seek help. We

do what we can in khamooshi, but it’s not enough. It

will never be enough.”

Violence and Intimidation

Public floggings, forced marriages, and honor killings

are rampant. Amnesty International has documented

numerous cases of women being executed for defying

Taliban edicts. In one harrowing instance, a woman

accused of adultery was publicly stoned in 2022.

Protests by women demanding their rights have

been violently suppressed. In September 2022,

women demonstrating in Kabul for the right to

education were met with gunfire and arrests. “The

brave women marched for our daughters,” Maryam

says. “They beat us, but they can’t khamoosh us.

Education is our weapon.”

International Response

The international community has largely condemned

the Taliban’s actions, but tangible interventions have

been limited.

Sanctions

One of the first responses to the Taliban’s return was the

imposition of economic sanctions. The United States froze

nearly $7 billion in Afghan central bank assets, while the

European Union and other countries halted financial aid

that had previously sustained Afghanistan’s economy.

These sanctions aimed to pressure the Taliban to form

an inclusive government and respect human rights.

However, instead of incentivizing policy changes, the

sanctions deepened Afghanistan’s economic crisis.

According to Human Rights Watch, 90% of the Af-

ghan population now lives below the poverty line, with

women disproportionately affected.

Diplomatic isolation has further complicated efforts to

address the crisis. No country has officially recognized

the Taliban government, a move meant to delegitimize

their rule. However, this approach has also limited the

international community’s ability to engage directly

with Taliban leaders on issues such as women’s rights.

The lack of recognition has created a diplomatic

impasse, where discussions about human rights and

governance reforms are often stalled.

Humanitarian Aid

In response to the growing humanitarian crisis, the

international community has mobilized aid through

organizations like the World Food Programme (WFP)

and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF).

Despite these efforts, the distribution of aid has been

fraught with challenges, including restrictions im-

posed by the Taliban.

Women-led households, which make up a significant

portion of Afghan families due to decades of conflict,

often face barriers to accessing aid. The Taliban has

restricted female aid workers from operating freely,

limiting the ability of international organizations to

reach women in need. In December 2022, the Taliban

banned women from working in NGOs, prompting

organizations like CARE International and Save the

Children to suspend operations temporarily. Human Rights

Watch (2023) highlighted that this ban severely

undermines humanitarian efforts, as women are often

the only ones who can access and support female ben-

eficiaries in conservative regions.

Calls for Legal Accountability

Human rights organizations, including Amnesty Inter-

national and Human Rights Watch, have called for the

United Nations to classify the Taliban’s treatment of

women as gender apartheid—a term that captures the

systematic and institutionalized oppression of women.

18This designation would not only increase interna-

tional pressure but could also pave the way for legal

action under international law.

Additionally, there have been calls to refer Taliban

leaders to the International Criminal Court (ICC) for

crimes against humanity. The Rome Statute of the ICC

includes gender-based persecution as a prosecutable

offense. However, bringing Taliban leaders to justice

faces significant legal and logistical hurdles, including

Afghanistan’s current lack of ICC membership and the

Taliban’s control over key territories.

The Path Forward: Recommendations for Action

Several NGOs and international organizations have

proposed urgent measures to address the crisis:

The world must act decisively. Afghan women are not

merely victims; they are the creators of resistance. Their

courage demands more than sympathy—it demands justice.

This is not the end of their story. As long as even

one Afghan woman dares to dream, hope remains.

1. Recognition of Gender Apartheid: Advocating

for the United Nations to formally classify the Tali-

ban’s actions as crimes against humanity.

2. Support for Underground Networks: Providing

funding and resources to women-led initiatives

within Afghanistan that continue to educate and

empower women in secret.

3. Legal Accountability: Pursuing investigations

and prosecutions through the International Crim-

inal Court (ICC) to hold Taliban leaders account-

able for their crimes.

4. Sustainable Aid and Education Programs:

Developing long-term strategies to support Af-

ghan women and girls, both within and outside the

country.

In the words of Layla, “I am a woman and I have the

power to bring change. It matters if the world will

agree to listen. We beg you to listen.” I am listening,

are you?

Writer's Reflection:

In 2015, when the Taliban’s influence was already

growing, my school was shut down. My dad read the

email aloud: “Due to security concerns, the school will

be closed until further notice.” I remember the sinking

feeling in my chest, realizing that my education was

being taken away. Soon after, my family made the

difficult decision to leave Afghanistan. It wasn’t an

easy choice, but my parents knew that staying meant

a life of fear and lost opportunities, especially for me.

Leaving was heartbreaking—we left behind our home,

our friends, and everything familiar. But I was one of

the fortunate ones. In a new country, I could return to

school and begin to rebuild the future that had almost

been stolen from me.

Many of my friends didn’t have that chance. They

remain in Afghanistan, where the Taliban’s grip

tightens every day. Their dreams of becoming doctors,

teachers, or leaders have been replaced with the harsh

reality of survival. I still hear from them sometimes,

and their words haunt me. “You’re lucky,” one friend

said. I carry their stories with me as a reminder of the

privilege I’ve had — and the fight that remains for those

who couldn’t leave.

The world must act decisively. Afghan women are not

merely victims; they are the creators of resistance. Their

courage demands more than sympathy—it demands

justice. This is not the end of their story. As long as even

one Afghan woman dares to dream, hope remains